When rain pelts the lone schoolhouse in Rudyard, Mich., teachers at the Upper Peninsula facility launch into a hurried version of musical chairs, hastily re-arranging students’ desks to dodge abundant leaks. At the same time, students are left to paint over nasty brown water stains that dot the school’s ceiling tiles.

At Hamtramck’s Holbrook School, teachers cover busted lockers with brightly colored posters and paper while trying mightily—though often failing—to avoid stumbling over the broken tiles scattered across the school floor like road potholes.

In the City of Muskegon, 100-year-old plaster covering the public high school’s walls has never been replaced, often flaking off in buckets and aggravating the lungs of asthmatic and non-asthmatic students alike. Each winter day, aging boilers struggle to belch heat through a labyrinth of old pipes and into buildings far too big for the shrinking student populations they hold. 

And in Beecher, a small unincorporated community outside of Flint, high-school students cram into classrooms in bunches of 30, even though the school's total enrollment is fewer than 250. But 250 students seem like more than enough when Beecher High has only five drinking fountains in the entire school—and no air conditioning at all.

As distinct as these districts are from one another—whether in the rural expanse of the UP or the tiny town of Sodus or the hard-scrabble urban enclaves dotting southeast Michigan—the problems that confront their facilities are disturbingly similar. And these problems also are far more common to many other districts around the state than most Michiganders might believe.

From the Straits of Mackinac to the shores of Lake Michigan to the dividing lines around Detroit, cash-strapped school districts statewide find themselves in an unending (and often intensifying) struggle to raise the money necessary to cover the single largest expense that any district faces—capital expenditures.

Unlike “operations” costs, which pay for learning materials—books and academic tools from desktop computers to teacher salaries—capital-improvement outlays pay for the building, expansion and major upkeep of the school facilities. But unlike operations costs, which are paid for by the state, the capital expenditures are the sole responsibility of individual districts.

And they also are a big reason why many poor districts struggle.

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As this photo essay produced by the ACLU of Michigan reveals, Michigan’s current capex funding scheme—or more precisely, the state's lack of a fair and sensible plan—has resulted in stark and disheartening disparities in the quality of facilities between tax-rich districts and their poorer counterparts, even among those that sit only a few miles apart.

Looking at five tax-poor districts around the state—ranked according to their taxable value per pupil as of 2013 (the most recent year for which the figures were available)--we found teachers, administrators, students and entire communities engaged in a valiant battle to save their school properties from the ravages of time and dire demographic shifts. But no matter how noble their cause, it’s clearly an uphill fight.

Public-school districts in wealthy communities such as Birmingham and Harbor Springs boast cutting-edge arts facilities, robotics labs and Olympic-sized swimming pools, the byproduct of higher revenues from their local tax bases. All the while, districts like Beecher and Hamtramck struggle just to keep the walls from crumbling around them inside facilities that are increasingly too old or too ill-fitting to effectively serve the districts’ needs.

Consider also that, according to the list, many districts with high taxable values per pupil contain expensive vacation homes along the state’s waterfronts, most of which belong to part-time, seasonal residents. In fact, 17 of the 21 public-school districts with a per-pupil taxable value of more than $1 million include waterfront properties on one of the Great Lakes. (Three of those that don’t—in the affluent communities of Bloomfield Hills, Birmingham and Ann Arbor—rank a mere 51st, 56th and 74th, respectively, in taxable value per pupil.)

Furthermore, these top 21 school districts have a taxable value of more than $4 billion combined, although only seven of them have student populations that exceed 100 students and none have student bodies larger than 1,000 kids. This means that, because tax dollars for capital improvements are limited to the districts where they originate—rather than being distributed across districts—Michigan’s 21 most-affluent districts serve only 3,500 of the more than 1.5 million students in public-school districts statewide.

This underscores the need to re-consider how Michigan funds capital improvements in its school districts. A formula that allows for a more equitable, statewide allotment of this money would certainly provide a financial boost for poorer districts, many of which serve student populations thousands of times larger than the most tax-rich districts.

The five schools that this series highlights are amongst the lowest-ranking on the list of taxable values per pupil. Hamtramck Schools, for example, can yield less than $60,000 per pupil even though it services 3,100 students—or nearly the same amount as all 21 of the top districts combined.

Districts without the local tax base to support capital expenditures—usually districts with large concentrations of low-income families, declining populations or an outsize number of low-tax properties—are forced to turn to hasty stopgap measures or dip into instructional expenses in lieu of sorely needed money to keep the buildings safe and standing.

School districts have two main options when it comes to capital expenditures like major building projects or purchases, renovations and large-scale repairs: bonds or sinking funds. In the case of a bond, the local school district asks local voters to tax themselves in order for the district to borrow money, which comes with attendant debt-service costs. When a district opts to propose a sinking fund, it asks the local voters to tax themselves so that the money can go directly to the district, with no debt-service costs.

In neither instance, though, does the state provide matching funds.

This has forced many districts to make tough decisions, not just about what fixes to make first on a building but also about whether they can afford to make fixes at all. In 2005, for example, a study by the Education Policy Center at Michigan State University and the Citizens Research Council of Michigan estimated that unmet capital needs in Michigan public schools approached $8.7 billion. The problem has only worsened since then.

Admittedly, raising money for school improvement is often a daunting task, no matter how flush the district or expensive the real estate. But state non-involvement only makes the problem that much more burdensome—and in some cases, virtually unsolvable—for districts without the population or the property values to fund a new playgrounds or the expansion of the auditorium or the improvements necessary even to comply with state handicap codes.

For Andres Velez, superintendent, principal and maintenance director of the one-building Sodus #5 District, the challenge of keeping schools up to building codes (not to mention academic standards) illuminates quite clearly what he considers the only real solution to the funding woes.

“The way school buildings are funded is all individual,” he laments. “At the same time, all regulations are universal. So if you are going to make building regulations universal, funding should be universal, too.”

 

Click here to read about Beecher schools

Click here to read about Hamtramck schools

Click here to read about Muskegon schools

Click here to read about Rudyard schools

Click here to read about Sodus schools

Date

Wednesday, October 21, 2015 - 3:00am

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By: Mark Fancher

Last month, the ACLU of Michigan filed a lawsuit against the City of Warren and various police officers on behalf of Christopher Gibson, who, on a December night in 2022, was found wandering coatless and confused in the dark, coping with the challenges of a mental health crisis.   

He was a man in desperate need of help.   

When he was stopped at around 2:30am by two Warren officers responding to a gas station attendant’s call to 911 about a man acting erratically, Mr. Gibson tried to make the arresting officer understand that what he needed in that moment was help. His mother, able to reach the same officer through her son’s phone, emphasized that psychiatric care was urgently needed.    

“I was going through it man,” Mr. Gibson said. “Well,” came the reply from the officer, “you picked the wrong city to go through it in.”    

No doubt about that.  

Over the next several hours, Mr. Gibson was repeatedly tasered, pepper-sprayed and physically abused, all while he was pleading for help or screaming in pain. As he fought for his life, he bit an officer on the arm. That triggered the mobilization of a brigade of officers, complete with riot shield and barking dog, to transfer him to another facility. Words can’t do justice to the horrors that followed. It’s best to see for yourself in this short documentary the ACLU released to tell the story of Mr. Gibson’s abuse at the hands of Warren police.  

Why this Case? 

It is tragic that police misconduct, often with a racial subtext, occurs too frequently, and sometimes with results that are far worse than those experienced by Mr. Gibson. Although the ACLU is often asked to intervene in various such cases, the organization must use discretion in case selection. Mr. Gibson’s case was pursued because it highlights so well the widespread failing of a system that relies on militarized police forces to handle calls concerning noise complaints, the unhoused, squabbling neighbors, individuals who are battling substance abuse disorder, or people who are suicidal. For such crises an armed response is not required, and every city should be able to call instead on social workers, mediators, drug treatment counselors, and other professionals with expertise not possessed by most patrol officers. A 2020 review of 911 calls in eight major cities estimates that up to 68% of calls “could be handled without sending an armed officer,” according to a report by the Center for American Progress and the Law Enforcement Action Partnership.  

Mr. Gibson’s case graphically highlights how ill-equipped police officers can be when interacting with people experiencing mental health issues. Mental health experts – not police officers with militaristic training and a militaristic culture – should be available to respond to situations like the one Mr. Gibson confronted. Until that happens, tragedies like his, sadly, will continue to occur.  A 2024 study by researchers at Johns Hopkins University found that mental or behavioral health conditions were associated with 23% (2,404) of all police shootings and 67% of those incidents were fatal. Another report found that people with untreated serious mental illness were 16 times more likely to be killed in a police encounter than others, with at least one in four fatal police encounters involving someone with a mental illness.   

Positive Changes    

If there is any good news, it is that police and sheriffs’ departments across Michigan -- in urban, suburban and rural areas alike – are increasingly recognizing the value of being able to provide unarmed response. More than 30 police departments and at least eight county sheriff's departments now have either social workers on staff or they contract with agencies that provide such professionals on demand.   

“The reality of it is we have training, but we're not mental health professionals,” former Detroit Police Chief James White told Michigan Public about the benefit of having mental health professionals working in concert with law enforcement. “I'm not the mental health police here, but we have a mental health crisis.”   

No one should ever face the abuse Mr. Gibson endured. He required compassion and treatment while in the throes of a mental health crisis, not pepper spray, handcuffs, tasering and physical trauma. His case makes clear, yet again, why Warren and other police agencies not only need to have mental health professionals to respond to – and prevent – the brutalization of mentally ill people at the hands of police, but also for the officers themselves to possess the professionalism, sensitivity and maturity required to make effective use of those resources when they are available.   

Date

Friday, September 12, 2025 - 1:30pm

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By: Elvira Hernandez

Mid-September and the start of Hispanic Heritage Month has, in the past, always been something I’ve looked forward to. As an immigrant from Mexico, I take great pride in my heritage and culture. Seeing that on display at festivals and events never fails to bring a broad smile and a sense of comfort.  

Having lived in Michigan from a very young age, and now having my own children and grandchildren, I’ve always looked forward to Hispanic Heritage Month to share with my family, friends, neighbors and co-workers our culture, our heritage and often learn something new.  The colors that are so vibrant in the traditional clothing worn by folklore dancers, the different rhythms from oh so many genres of Latino music, and the delicious smells from the variety of foods that span so many different Hispanic countries always entice me to the many different events held during the month.   

This year, however, my usual eager anticipation has been replaced by a feeling of dread and concern. That’s because of the reign of terror the Trump administration’s intense focus on immigrants has brown-skinned people afraid to leave our homes.  Even if, like me, you are a U.S. citizen, there is the pervasive fear of being harassed by Immigration and Custom Enforcement officers or possibly detained. I’ve seen it happen. 

Just a few years ago, Grand Rapids resident Jilmar Ramos-Gomez, a former Marine, was locked up by ICE for three days and threatened with deportation even though he had his passport and other documents proving his U.S. citizenship. 

So, the fears are justified, and the reluctance to go anywhere you don’t have to, especially if you are undocumented, or have a mixed status family or group of friends is completely reasonable. And widespread. 

Our polling shows 43% of Latino voters fear they could be arrested by immigration authorities – even if they are citizens or have legal status – which has disrupted the daily lives of the Latino community,” Rita Fernández, director of immigration policy project at UnidosUS, recently told The Guardian newspaper. 

Ripple Effects 

The impact of all this on businesses that cater to the Latino community is significant. 

A recent Detroit News story about the economic impact of ICE’s ramped up enforcement efforts on Detroit’s Mexicantown business district:  

“Small business owners in Michigan's largest Latino community say they are reeling amid President Donald Trump's aggressive mass deportation campaign. With some longtime customers being deported and others increasingly electing to leave the area, they describe a pervasive climate of fear around immigration enforcement that's deterring locals from being out in public, and in turn depressing foot traffic and sales.” 

Similar reports from around the country abound, including California, Connecticut, Florida, Illinois, Kansas, Louisiana, and Texas. And it is not just Hispanic American immigrants in those and other states suffering from the Trump administration’s crackdown. 

“Immigrant workers make up a substantial part of the workforce in the United States: 1 in 5 workers is an immigrant, and about half of immigrants are noncitizens,” according to a July report from the Economic Policy Institute. “Because of their sizable presence in the workforce, large-scale attempts to remove them will lead to extensive employment losses for foreign-born workers. What is less apparent, however, is the impact that arrests, detentions, and deportations of immigrants will have on millions of U.S.-born workers who will lose their jobs.” 

The reason an immigration crackdown will harm citizens in the workforce is explained this way: 

“Because jobs held by U.S.-born and immigrant workers are often complementary and economically linked, the shrinking supply of immigrant labor can adversely affect employer demand for jobs held by both groups of workers. … when there are fewer immigrant roofers and framers to build the basic structure of homes, there will be less work available for U.S.-born electricians and plumbers. If there are fewer dishwashers and cooks, restaurants may limit their hours or shift their operations toward takeout, reducing the overall employment of waitstaff and managers.” 

The report concludes: “The widespread job losses for both immigrants and U.S.-born workers will undercut the narrative that abruptly removing immigrants will somehow magically increase employment opportunities for U.S.-born workers.” 

Rays of Hope 

Maybe hearts will soften as the economic pain from the Trump administration’s focus on deportations spreads beyond the communities being targeted by ICE. Time will tell. What I know right now is this: Hispanic Americans will respond with resistance, and allies will be at our side. 

I can speak confidently about the resilience of Hispanic Americans because I’ve seen it throughout my life. The life of immigrants is never easy, and the ability to adapt and overcome hardship is essential to survival. It is in our marrow. 

So, I was not surprised recently when I came upon a few TikTok posts from owners of businesses in Mexicantown, who are banding together in an effort to boost their businesses.  

As for allies showing up – that is reason to take heart! 

From the Detroit Jews for Justice Immigration Team, which is helping build a community defense network for the large immigrant community in Southwest Detroit, to Grand Rapids Response to ICE, a network of people trained to come to the aid of immigrants who face arrest, detention, or deportation from ICE, people across the state are showing up for us in a big way. 

What can you do? 

An easy way for non-Latinos to demonstrate solidarity is to simply show up. Patronize restaurants and shops owned by immigrants. And attend any of the festivals and events being held across the state beginning Sept. 15. 

Maybe I’ll see you at one of them. Fear isn’t going to stop me from celebrating Hispanic Heritage month to the fullest. 

Date

Monday, September 15, 2025 - 9:15am

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