Ismael Ahmed’s life began in a Brooklyn neighborhood that featured a mix of immigrants from vastly different places. His father came to the U.S. from Egypt and traveled the world as a merchant marine. His mother’s family, originally from Lebanon, started working a homestead in South Dakota more than 100 years ago. A move to southwest Detroit and then Dearborn while still a child, and an autoworker from Yemen who became his stepfather, following his parent’s divorce, helped further expand an already broad world view.

Drafted into the Army in the 1960s, Mr. Ahmed served a tour of duty in South Korea while a brother was sent to Vietnam, where he was exposed to (and eventually died from) Agent Orange poisoning, an experience that led both men to become “super-radicalized” anti-war activists. Afterward, he did stints at sea as a merchant marine and became a union activist while working the assembly line at several auto plants. While still a student at the University of Michigan, he helped found the Arab Community Center for Economic and Social Services. Appointed the executive director of ACCESS in 1983, Mr. Ahmed led the transformation of the organization, which began operating out of a storefront, into the largest social services agency of its type in the U.S., with affiliates in 24 cities  across the country.

Included among the many other positions he’s held over the decades is director of Michigan’s Department of Health and Human Services, where he oversaw 10,000 employees and managed a $4 billion-plus budget. Along the way, he also helped found the National Arab American Museum in Dearborn, started the Concert of Colors – the largest world music and arts festival in the Midwest – and continues to produce a long-running program on public radio featuring music from around the world. Last year, President Joe Biden nominated him for a seat on the National Council on the Arts.

To help celebrate Arab American Heritage Month, we talked with Mr. Ahmed for a wide-ranging Q&A that included discussion of his experiences with racism, his passion for multiculturalism, and the reason he has hope for a brighter future despite the hateful rhetoric coming from politicians who see opportunity in stoking divisiveness.

Q: How do you identify?

A: On one level I identify as a person of color and an Arab American. But I also identify as a planetary citizen. That’s not just a term I use on “This Island Earth,” my world music program on WDET. I use it because it reflects my belief in who we all are, and who we need to be. In the end, we are all planetary citizens.

Q: Do you think your diverse circumstances as a young person sowed the seeds for your embrace of multiculturalism as an adult?

A: Absolutely. As a child in Brooklyn, I had an African-American Muslim woman as a babysitter. Our neighbors were Puerto Rican and Irish and people from all over the Arab world. When we moved to southwest Detroit, the area had a mix of whites, Latinos and Blacks. And when we moved to Dearborn, I lived in a neighborhood that made it into “Ripley’s Believe It or Not” because there were people from 52 different countries living within a two-square-mile area.

Q: Where do you think your commitment to social justice comes from?

A: It started when I was a kid, growing up in a low-income family where layoffs would sometimes mean going without. And then, as a young man travelling the world, seeing over and over again the same economic forces driving things. Everywhere, the people doing all the hard work were also the ones being forced to endure the most suffering. Seeing all that really energized me to work for social justice.

 

Q: Did you experience much discrimination growing up?

A: Not much at all. Like all people of color, you learn to tread carefully around police. You didn’t call the police unless you really had to because they could end up attacking you. But my first real experience with racism came when I was drafted into the Army at age 19 and I had a drill sergeant in basic training who called me “camel.”

Q: What effect did that have on you?

A: It kind of freaked me out. On one hand, drill sergeants were abusive to everyone, and often used racial slurs. Still, it surprised me and angered me. But it was my introduction to the real world. Over the years I’ve been called “camel” a number of times, and as I got older I came to expect things like that. After 9/11, a group of young white men chased after my car for miles, screaming racial epithets at me.

Q: Where do you think things are at now for this country?

A: I think we are at a crucial point. During the 1990s and early in the 2000s, I thought we were really moving forward in terms of removing the divisions that exist between different racial and ethnic groups. But since Donald Trump’s entry into politics, I’ve seen how strong the undercurrent of racism still is, and how he and others have really focused on racial issues to try and drive us further apart. Because of that, I think America is at a point where we are going to go one way or another. Are we going to have a democracy and be able to live in a country where its people embrace fraternal welfare, and everyone has the opportunity to be successful regardless of race and economic status? I don’t know. There’s a huge amount of activity by politicians on the right to liberate hate for political reasons, and I’ve been flabbergasted by how well it has worked for them. And I do not think it is something that will go away if Trump goes away.

Q: Why do you think that is?

A: I’d say it’s because that message resonates among many white, working-class people who are catching hell economically. And when politicians point to people of color or members of the LGBTQ community or some other group and say, “They are the reason you are having such a hard time making it,” some people will buy into that.

Q: How do you combat that?

A: We need to use every vehicle available. Confronting racism directly is part of it, but only part. Especially important, I think, is exploring and appreciating what different cultures have to offer us all. That is a really good starting place for people to come together. Every culture has something to say. Every culture has beauty. And it’s not threatening. That is why culture is such a powerful force in bringing people together and celebrating our differences.

Q: Was that the motivation of starting the Concert of Colors, which has become the Midwest’s biggest world music and arts festival lasting a week since its start in 1993 as a one-day event?

A: Yes. We wanted to bring lots of different people together, and have fun together. But we also wanted to raise consciousness. Which is why we look to bring in performers and artists who aren’t just talented, but also have something significant to say, whether it’s about justice or race or issues of broad social concern.

Q: It seems to be an approach that has really worked.

A: Last year, because of COVID, the event had to be virtual. But we had more than 200,000 watchers and listeners. We’re hard at work now to make it an in-person event again this year, but doing it in a way that will still allow people to participate virtually.

Q: What do you think about heritage months in general?

A: I wish every month was heritage month for every community, especially people of color. We must work to make cultural intelligence and community intelligence something that is explored and promoted every single day. But I think these months like Arab American Heritage Month are good in that they at least allow for focus to be placed on different communities and the contributions they make to our society. That should be part of our life’s work, and it should be ongoing.

Q: Is there a particular book or movie that you would recommend people who aren’t Arab American should read or watch to better understand your culture and experiences in this country?

A: (long pause) I really can’t think of a book or movie to recommend. Instead, I would suggest people go to the National Arab American Museum in Dearborn and watch a video we show there. It features interviews with Arab Americans all across the country talking about their experiences, and all the different ways they approach their identity.

Q: Is there anything we haven’t discussed that you would like to point out?

Y: Yes. The reason to have hope for a brighter future: our young people. I have a lot of hope because of young people. I’m really moved by how much this younger generation shuns discrimination and divisions along color lines as they embrace equity.

Q: What is your message to them?

A: Go out and change the world. Make it a better place for all our planetary citizens.

Date

Tuesday, April 26, 2022 - 9:00am

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The horrific death of Patrick Lyoya at the hands of a Grand Rapids police officer was not just preventable, it was predictable. GRPD has a long history of racist policing. The department relies on an enforcement-only approach to public safety, tolerates violent solutions to nonviolent situations, and fails to hold officers and those they report to accountable. Mr. Lyoya, a father of two small children, would be alive today if city officials and the GRPD had listened to the longstanding calls from advocates to reinvest in, rather than over-police, communities of color. The following is a timeline setting out some of the most flagrant examples of GRPD’s long history of abuse of Black and Brown people, and the dangerous lack of accountability that allows those abuses to continue.

grpd-timeline-june-2014

June 2014

A Black 15-year-old is badly beaten and bludgeoned with a flashlight by a GRPD officer.

April 2015

The ACLU sues the GRPD over its Orwellian “no trespass letter” program that targeted people like Jacob Manyong, an African immigrant arrested and charged with trespassing because the back tire of his car crossed the property of a private business as he drove on an adjacent public lot. An outside expert’s analysis of GRPD records reveals that 70% of officer-initiated stops under the program were of Black people in a city where, according to the most recent census data, only 18% of the population is Black. Both state and federal courts found that arrests under the program were unconstitutional. 

September 2015          

GRPD officers responding to noise complaints at a large house party forcibly arrest the host and eight others – all Black residents. One guest is tased. Six of the nine people arrested file excessive force complaints with the GRPD. Up to 35 officers are on the scene at one time.

March 2017     

GRPD officers pull over and aim guns at five unarmed Black boys, ages 12-15.  

grpd-timeline-april_2017

April 2017        

A study shows Black drivers are more than twice as likely to be stopped by the GRPD than white drivers.

December 2017

A GRPD officer points a gun at and handcuffs an unarmed 11-year-old Black girl, Honestie Hodges.

grpd-timeline-aug-2018

August 2018    

At least six GRPD patrol cars and as many officers handcuffed unarmed 11-year-old twins and 17-year-old, all Black boys, at gunpoint.

September 2018

A GRPD officer shoots at a Black 14-year-old boy playing with a BB gun.

October 2018  

A 12-year-old Black girl is handcuffed at gunpoint by a GRPD officer, which the police chief describes as “appropriate”.

grpd-timeline-nov-2018

November 2018

A GRPD police captain wrongly calls Immigration and Customs Enforcement on Jilmar Ramos-Gomez, a decorated Marine Corps veteran who was arrested with his U.S. passport on him after a mental health incident. Mr. Ramo-Gomez spends three days in immigration detention as a result.

March 2019     

Two Latino teens, who are jaywalking, are held at gunpoint by a GRPD officer.

March 2019     

GRPD officers pull a Black man out of a car and beat him.

March 2019     

The Michigan Department of Civil Rights holds hearings on racial discrimination by the GRPD. The MDCR’s investigation has not yet been completed.  

September 2019

After a court rules that records from a secret GRPD phone line—which officers believed was not being recorded—were subject to public records requests, Grand Rapids city administrators erase those recordings over the weekend rather than release the records.

grpd-timeline-march-2021

March 2021     

A GRPD officer punches a Black man in the face at a traffic stop, and tells him, “You lucky you didn’t get killed.”

November 2021

The Michigan Supreme Court hears a case challenging the GRPD’s photograph and print program, under which Keyon Harrison, a Black 16-year-old, was fingerprinted after GRPD officers thought it suspicious that he helped another youth carry a toy fire truck, and Denishio Johnson, a Black 15-year-old, was similarly fingerprinted even though he likewise was never charged with a crime. An expert analysis of the program found that 75% of the officer-initiated encounters involved Black people while only 15% involved white people. This in a city where, according to the U.S. Census Bureau, more than 65% of the population is white and only 18% is Black. A decision is pending.

December 2021

A GRPD officer accidentally fires his gun while pursuing a Black male, who is mistakenly suspected of stealing a vehicle. 

March 2022     

An audibly terrified pregnant woman asks more than a half dozen GRPD officers to stop pointing their guns at her in front of her house, after GRPD pursues her boyfriend for driving with no plates on his car. They are a Black couple.

grpd-timeline-april-202

April 2022   

Patrick Lyoya, a 26-year-old Congolese immigrant, is killed by Christopher Schurr, a Grand Rapids police officer, following a traffic stop purportedly conducted because of a license plate problem. Video shows Mr. Lyoya exiting his vehicle, apparently confused. The officer put a hand on him during a verbal exchange – which Mr.  Lyoya tries to walk away from.  It should have ended there. Instead, the officer follows and tackles Mr. Lyoya, pulling a taser as they struggle, striking Mr. Lyoya,  pinning him down, and then killing him with a point-blank shot to the back of the head. 

Accountability requires not just full transparency, but a commitment to fundamentally changing policing so that no more lives are lost. The city of Grand Rapids and GRPD must listen to the voices of Mr. Lyoya’s family and those at the forefront of this struggle about what they need in this time of crisis. We urgently call on the city of Grand Rapids, GRPD, and government officials to take the following immediate steps:

  • A prosecutor outside of Kent County, who does not work regularly with the GRPD, must be appointed to handle this case, as is legally required in many states and is widely acknowledged to be best practice; 
  • The community must have a seat at the table in the ongoing negotiations over the GRPD police union contracts, which have for far too long shielded officers from accountability and which do not reflect the community’s priorities for how to achieve public safety in Grand Rapids;
  • Both the Civilian Appeal Board and the Office of Oversight and Public Accountability must be given the authority, resources, and funding to provide true civilian oversight and be able to affect real change; and
  • The City and GRPD must respect the constitutional right of all people to protest this tragedy and exercise their freedom of speech without violence, threats or intimidation. 

 

We move forward in solidarity with our coalition partners, Greater Grand Rapids NAACP, LINC UP, Urban Core Collective, and Michigan Immigrant Rights Center.

Date

Thursday, April 28, 2022 - 1:00pm

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Calls for accountability and much-needed reform from communities of color have long been ignored, leading to this tragedy

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This op-ed was originally published by The Detroit Free Press

Fifty-four years to the day after an assassin’s bullet took the life of Martin Luther King, Jr., a Grand Rapids police officer placed a gun against the head of 26-year-old Patrick Lyoya, pulled the trigger and snatched the father of two small children away from his family forever.

It was a far cry from Dr. King’s most cherished hopes and dreams. Mr. Lyoya did not have to die.

Lyoya, a Congolese immigrant, was pulled over by the officer, purportedly because his license plate was not registered to the vehicle he was driving.  Lyoya exited his vehicle and, after a verbal exchange with the officer, began to walk away.

It should have ended there.  The officer could have questioned Lyoya’s passenger about his identity, address and any other information needed to make an arrest later, under calm and controlled circumstances. The officer could have impounded the vehicle and engaged with Lyoya when he sought to reclaim it at a police facility.

Instead, the officer followed Lyoya and initiated a protracted grappling contest during which a taser was deployed and blows were struck by the officer. It all ended with the fatal gunshot to the head.

Revising the rules of engagement

Law enforcement culture is grounded in strategies that demand full assertion of authority and control over “civilians” by any means and at all costs. Nevertheless, when it comes to pursuit of suspects who flee, a growing number of police departments are concluding that such challenges to authority need not prompt officers to try to “win” the contest.

Baltimore, Cincinnati, Chicago and other cities have policies that require officers to balance the need for pursuit against the risk of harm to officers, the suspect, and the public. Officers are further required to determine whether there are alternatives to a foot chase for purposes of apprehending a suspect, particularly in cases where the suspect’s identity is known. 

In fact, Baltimore’s foot pursuit policy flatly prohibits chases in cases where is a curfew violation, a citation-only violation, or a non-arrestable offense.

Concerns don’t end with the act of pursuit. Progressive police policies also address the issue of what happens after a suspect is apprehended. When it comes to foot chases, officers who believe they have risked life and limb to chase a disobedient, uncooperative suspect will almost certainly be enraged, and the urge to impose summary punitive justice on a captured suspect might be overwhelming for some officers, particularly if they are – like too many police officers – indifferent to the value of Black life.

The fact that methods of de-escalating conflicts are receiving ever-increasing attention in the law enforcement community reflects an awareness that violence often occurs when encounters are tense, and emotions are raw. If arrests and other law enforcement measures that place members of the public at risk are postponed until emotions and tempers have cooled, the chances are greater that the encounter will end peacefully.

For these reasons, it makes sense for officers to refrain from chases altogether when a suspect poses no danger to himself or anyone else. 

Building a better police force

Police officers are trained to be soldiers. They learn to shoot, grapple and intimidate. Within their highly-charged environment, too often an “us against them” mentality takes hold, and certain communities – particularly communities of color – become enemy territories to be occupied and dominated simply because of unfounded stereotypes about Black criminality. It is a certain prescription for violence.

Breaking down a police culture that promotes confrontation, conflict, combat and “the chase” will require different types of officers. Most emergencies do not require soldiers.  More often, they require mental health professionals, drug treatment specialists, social workers, mediators, paramedics, auto mechanics, and professionals from various other disciplines.

While it is difficult to suggest anything positive that can come from Patrick Lyoya’s killing, his death must not be in vain. We must put an end to the brutal indifference to Black lives. 

A good start would be if Grand Rapids city officials and municipal officials throughout Michigan seriously consider significantly reducing the number of soldier-type police officers in their employ and hiring more professionals with  skills needed to respond to the nonviolent, non-criminal emergencies their departments more frequently confront.

Replacing significant numbers of soldier cops with emergency response professionals may be exactly what’s needed to eliminate a race-driven, aggressive police culture, and to make real at least part of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr’s grand dream.

Mark P. Fancher is the staff attorney for the Racial Justice Project of the ACLU of Michigan.

Date

Wednesday, April 20, 2022 - 12:00pm

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